Bangladesh

Another Failure Looming: Bangladesh

Bangladesh has long been one of the earth's poorest democracies. And yet it remained a democracy. It has long been one of the clearest case studies for the ill-effects of deforestation. As the highlands became denuded of its forests, the entire nation became subject to annual cycles of devastating floods and equally devastating droughts that have helped to keep Bangladesh poor. And yet it remained a democracy. An imperfect Democracy, but who are we to throw stones.

When 9/11 happened, I was struck by something. Bangladesh was one of the poorest Muslim nations, and yet remained largely immune to the sweeping tides of fundamentalist Islam that influenced Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Afghanistan, etc. Bangladesh had the poorest, most neglected population, yet remained more open to democracy than to fundamentalist Islam or what is too often its alternative: military dictatorship. Bangladesh stood out to me as a nation we needed to focus on, to learn what can make Islam and democracy coexist. We also needed to focus on it as something to nurture. Bangladesh was a place we could help and while we helped them we could be fighting fundamentalist Islam while proving that we can be a good friend to democratic Islam. Bangladesh was one of our best opportunities to PREVENT the spread of fundamentalist Islam even as we fought it elsewhere.

Bush and the Republican controlled Congress ignored this opportunity, as they ignored many others, obsessed as they were in the completely unrelated attack on Iraq, an attack that made us LESS safe, not more safe. And while Bush ignored Bangladesh, the case study in how democratic Islam can survive even under crushing poverty, that crushing poverty finally started to create cracks in the democracy. As I predicted after 9/11/01, ignoring Bangladesh led to the spread of fundamentalist Islam into Bangladesh by September 2005. Around then a wave of some 300 bombings led by a growing Bangladeshi fundamentalist movement occurred, signaling that Bush's neglect of that small nation was opening up new recruiting grounds for fundamentalists. I said in 2005 that we had missed our opportunity in Bangladesh and it would soon go the way of other poor Muslim nations: a battle ground between military dictatorship and fundamentalist Islam, two equally repugnant options.


mole333's picture

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Poverty is unnatural


[P]overty in the world is an artificial creation. It doesn't belong to human civilization, and we can change that, we can make people come out of poverty and have the real state of affairs. So the only thing we have to do is to redesign our institutions and policies, and there will be no people who will be suffering from poverty. So I would hope that this award will make this message heard many times, and in a kind of forceful way, so that people start believing that we can create a poverty-free world. That's what I would like to do.


— Muhammad Yunus
Interviewed by NobelPrize.org


liza's picture

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These new-found tensions which are present at all stages in the real nature of colonialism have their repercussions on the cultural plane. In literature, for example, there is relative over-production. From being a reply on a minor scale to the dominating power, the literature produced by natives becomes differentiated and makes itself into a will to particularism. The intelligentsia, which during the period of repression was essentially a consuming public, now themselves become producers. This literature at first chooses to confine itself to the tragic and poetic style; but later on novels, short stories and essays are attempted. It is as if a kind of internal organisation or law of expression existed which wills that poetic expression become less frequent in proportion as the objectives and the methods of the struggle for liberation become more precise. Themes are completely altered; in fact, we find less and less of bitter, hopeless recrimination and less also of that violent, resounding, florid writing which on the whole serves to reassure the occupying power. The colonialists have in former times encouraged these modes of expression and made their existence possible. Stinging denunciations, the exposing of distressing conditions and passions which find their outlet in expression are in fact assimilated by the occupying power in a cathartic process. To aid such processes is in a certain sense to avoid their dramatisation and to clear the atmosphere. But such a situation can only be transitory. In fact, the progress of national consciousness among the people modifies and gives precision to the literary utterances of the native intellectual. The continued cohesion of the people constitutes for the intellectual an invitation to go farther than his cry of protest. The lament first makes the indictment; then it makes an appeal. In the period that follows, the words of command are heard. The crystallisation of the national consciousness will both disrupt literary styles and themes, and also create a completely new public. While at the beginning the native intellectual used to produce his work to be read exclusively by the oppressor, whether with the intention of charming him or of denouncing him through ethnical or subjectivist means, now the native writer progressively takes on the habit of addressing his own people.


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