On prostitution

I cannot lie : I can't understand the whole concept of prostitution.

I can't understand why I woman would want to get paid by 2, 3, 6, 10 guys (or gals) a night to make rent. I can't understand how people can use their bodies as a tool or an instrument in that fashion.

I can't understand either why a guy would want to pay for sex. Yes, I know, I've heard about the whole "it's about having control and power and no string attached" spiel. Yet whereas many people see that as an exploitative act that gives men an unlimited amount of power, I see it more as a sign of weakness and even impotence. A guy that has to pay for it can't get it any other way and paying it for it is just part of the thrill.

Yet just because I don't understand the psychological dynamics of prostitution does it mean that it should be outlawed. On the contrary, just as with most drugs, I believe that we should follow Holland's lead and legalize prostitution.

Banning prostitution is not going to make it go away. On the contrary, the allure of breaking the taboo would be even stronger. If women and men want to turn sex into a transaction then, by all means, make it safe and make it fair.

Prostitution should be taxed and considered labor.

Prostitutes should be certified by the board of health.

Prostitution houses ought to be licensed and provide security services, along with health benefits and other labor benefits, to all their workers.

Make prostitution legal all across the nation and do not leave it up to state to decide.

It's labor and labor should be paid, taxed and accounted for.

See also :
The New York Times, An old profession that is new to doing taxes.


liza's picture

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Bee Square's picture

I agree that prostitution

I agree that prostitution should be decriminalized. But the first part of your article wasn't well thought out.

For instance you claim that the clients of prostitutes are men who can't get sex otherwise. Really? Most experts who have written about the dynamics of sex between men and women seem to agree that the more rich and powerful a man becomes, the easier it is for him to source a woman for sex. Do you really believe that the most powerful man in the state of New York couldn't source sex any other way hence his overture to a prostitute?

Further, the astronomically high prices for the services of the ladies in the ring of which Spitzer was a client, speaks to the nature of these clients. They obviously were rich and powerful men to be able to afford these services. Since rich and powerful men don't need to pay for sex, it's obviously not just the sex that they are paying for.

Maybe they are paying for sex with no strings attached. Maybe they are paying for the ability to completely let themselves go and indulge in fantasies they wouldn't dare do with their wives.

The use of prefessionsls isn't be any means limited to men who just "can't get it" anywhere else. That's a myth.


liza's picture

I think you give men too much credit and power

Paying for it is a form of Viagra; meaning that, if he's not paying for it he most likely can't really get off the way he really wants.

I grew up around men who procured the services of prostitutes, and all of them were mysoginists. Not because they hated women but because, if you really looked closely to their actions, they feared them. Paying for a prostitute gave the sense of control and of power that in their daily lives they felt they hardly had ---and if you think these guys were physical weaklings or ugly, they were not.

Money is the oldest form of Viagra.


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Words to live by


These new-found tensions which are present at all stages in the real nature of colonialism have their repercussions on the cultural plane. In literature, for example, there is relative over-production. From being a reply on a minor scale to the dominating power, the literature produced by natives becomes differentiated and makes itself into a will to particularism. The intelligentsia, which during the period of repression was essentially a consuming public, now themselves become producers. This literature at first chooses to confine itself to the tragic and poetic style; but later on novels, short stories and essays are attempted. It is as if a kind of internal organisation or law of expression existed which wills that poetic expression become less frequent in proportion as the objectives and the methods of the struggle for liberation become more precise. Themes are completely altered; in fact, we find less and less of bitter, hopeless recrimination and less also of that violent, resounding, florid writing which on the whole serves to reassure the occupying power. The colonialists have in former times encouraged these modes of expression and made their existence possible. Stinging denunciations, the exposing of distressing conditions and passions which find their outlet in expression are in fact assimilated by the occupying power in a cathartic process. To aid such processes is in a certain sense to avoid their dramatisation and to clear the atmosphere. But such a situation can only be transitory. In fact, the progress of national consciousness among the people modifies and gives precision to the literary utterances of the native intellectual. The continued cohesion of the people constitutes for the intellectual an invitation to go farther than his cry of protest. The lament first makes the indictment; then it makes an appeal. In the period that follows, the words of command are heard. The crystallisation of the national consciousness will both disrupt literary styles and themes, and also create a completely new public. While at the beginning the native intellectual used to produce his work to be read exclusively by the oppressor, whether with the intention of charming him or of denouncing him through ethnical or subjectivist means, now the native writer progressively takes on the habit of addressing his own people.


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